The Programme of Syriza and the Perspectives of the European Left meeting – report

Rachel Godfrey Wood reports from the meeting.

An electric meeting at the Unite building in London saw representatives of Europe’s left parties and their supporters meet together to discuss what, according to the polls, will be the victory of Syriza in the upcoming elections on 25th January, and the implications of this for Greece and Europe.

Ken Loach, celebrated filmmaker and founding member of Left Unity, began by celebrating the rise of Syriza, stating that a this was the first time in his life that a genuine left wing party could take power in Europe. The excitement, however, comes with dangers, because of the threat of capital against any challenge. He warned the audience to beware of economic warfare that could be waged against a Syriza government and a propaganda campaign focusing on Syriza leaders, as this is what has happened in the past whenever movements in Europe have challenged capital’s dominance. Indeed, the Latin American experience of left wing governments being targeted for coups and destabilization could be relevant, and the European left has to be on the lookout for this. Events in Greece in recent years, according to Loach, reveal the fallacy of so-called ‘responsible capitalism’, something which is like a unicorn: everybody has read about it but nobody has seen it. The left in the rest of Europe, particularly in the UK, is to build up its own strength with an uncompromising anti-capitalist vision.

Andrew Burgin of Left Unity and the Greece Solidarity Campaign (GSC) spoke next, explaining the roots of the GSC in political meetings that began in 2010. Since then, the GSC has provided support for health clinics and solidarity networks in Greek neighbourhoods where austerity policies have had appalling effects on people’s wellbeing. He saluted the Greek people, who have undertaken around 30 strikes since austerity was imposed. The idea that Greece is being ‘bailed out’ is a farce, because in fact 90% of the ‘bailout’ funds have gone into European banks. Following a Syriza victory, Europe will be entering a new period, and Burgin predicted that the left would be revived across the continent as a result. This means that the left in all countries have the responsibility of mobilizing against the Troika. He also read out part of a declaration by Frances O’Grady of the TUC which explicitly expressed support for Syriza, stating that this represents a momentous step to build a broader solidarity movement among the UK’s trade unions to support a left government in Greece.

Andrew Pisauro of Italy’s Sinistra Ecologia e Liberta stated his joy that this was the first time in his life that he was sitting in a room with members of a party who he supported, knowing that that party was likely to win the subsequent elections. In Italy, by contrast, the situation is not as positive, with the ‘social democrat’ Matteo Renzi imposing austerity measures, passing laws to make it easier to fire workers and doing a deal with corrupt and discredited former president Silvio Berlusconi. Meanwhile the left in Italy is week, and Pisauro put this down the lack of any strong social movements to mobilise against austerity, unlike in Greece and Spain. A lot of possible frustration has been absorbed by the 5 Star movement, which has allied with UKIP in the European Parliament. Pisauro celebrated Syriza’s ability to focus on issues that really matter to normal people, and also pointed out the major contradictions that lie at the heart of Europe’s political institutions which need to be confronted.

Tina Caballero of Spain’s Podemos discussed the incredible rise of the party, placing it in the context of Spain’s 15M movement, which was based primarily of people who had had no direct participation in political activity. She criticized the inequality of global capitalism which is ridden with such contradictions that with only a faction of the money used to bailout the world’s banks, it would be possible to eliminate hunger. In Spain, austerity has meant dramatic reductions in the minimal wage and cutbacks in employer protection, so that a new form of ‘neoliberal slavery’ has essentially been created. Corruption flourished, while child poverty is at 26.2% and families across the country have been evicted from their houses and still have to pay debt to the Spanish banks. This needs to be challenged at the international and national levels, and Podemos has been formed by people from all walks of society to do this. Caballero called on people to focus on collective solutions rather than individual needs.

Sylvain Savier of France’s Front de Gauche expressed wholehearted support for Syriza, arguing that it could be the beginning of a ‘Democratic European Spring’ to come. They have done this partly by avoiding the trap of allying with Europe’s former ‘social democratic’ parties, which in reality have compromised so much that they are part of the continent’s elite. All of a sudden Syriza’s calls for restructuring of Greece’s debt and a Europe-wide conference are being treated seriously, having previously been ridiculed. He said however that it is unlikely Angela Merkel will give in, and he suggested that it may be necessary for Greece to leave the Euro.

Syriza’s policy

Finally, Stathis Kouvelakis of Syriza heralded the meeting as the coming together of Europe’s left. It is rare, he stated, for an election to be such a central event in Europe. Kouvelakis noted that while, in the last two weeks, he apocalyptic rhetoric surrounding Syriza’s expected victory had faded, the Troika will still insist that Greece must stick to agreements signed under the previous governments. Kouvelakis drew a strong parallel between Greece and Spain, two countries where mobilisations reached their peak, but then could not go any further. In Greece, there was already a historical radical left with roots in society. It avoided the trap of allying with the old social democratic party, and was ready to propose the formation of a united anti-austerity left. There has been a complete social counter-revolution in Greece. Collective conventions have been ended, the minimum wage has been slashed, and the welfare state has been destroyed. The Memoranda, which in many cases have not even been read by Greek politicians, preside over all areas of economic policy in Greece. There has also been an increase in state authoritarianism.

In response to this, Syriza has a clear programme which is comprised of three elements: debt, memoranda, and democracy. This is laid out in the Programme of Thessalloniki. There is a demand for the writing of Greece’s debt, similar to what Germany received in 1953. In addition, Syriza wants Greece to pay off the remaining debt according to the country’s growth levels, rather than through the achievement of impossible budget surpluses. In addition, there would be a moratorium on all debt payments, and the beginning of a renegotiation of debt at the European level.

In social policy, a Syriza government would break definitively with austerity, restoring collective conventions and the minimum wage to the level it once was at. The punitive taxes which have been enforced on ordinary people will be ended. In reality, these taxes exist to make it easier for banks to repossess people’s homes. In response to the humanitarian crisis, free electricity would be provided to those deprived of it, food would be offered to the hungry and health coverage extended to the one third of the country currently lacking it. The objective of these measures is not solely humanitarian, but also to empower working people for the struggle that lies ahead. 300,000 jobs would be created through public investment. There would be an institutional reform, involving a media law to limit the oligarchy’s control over information.

The programme may seem moderate, Kouvelakis said, but the big events in history do not happen in the name of radical ideas: they happen when meeting people’s basic needs becomes impossible without breaking with the status quo. Greece has a history of living through counter-revolutionary violence, for example at the end of the Second World War when the liberation movement was crushed, and in the 1960s when the military coup crushed the social movements. He emphasised the importance of the success of other leftist parties in Europe, and heralded the rise of Podemos.

Questions of alliances

In response to questions, Sylvain said that the National Front is a puppet of the main parties, and plays to establishment agendas. The ‘Je Suis Charlie’ march however was apolitical, and it did not have pro-National Front elements, so he did not think this was something that would be capitalised upon by Marie Le Pen. Andrea Pissauro called for people to think about another Europe, distinct from the right-wing Europe which exists currently. This could involve genuine forms of transnational democracy, and a social contract across the continent. Tina Caballero of Podemos said that the party’s emphasis on ‘the caste’ responds to the idea that Spain is governed by a group of people who have been there forever.

Stathis Kouvelakis, in response to a question about alliances, emphasised that the communist KKE has rejected all alliances with Syriza and is likely to continue to do so. Meanwhile Antarsya has also rejected political collaboration, although they still work with social movements at the grassroots level. If the KKE had adopted a non-sectarian position, the balance of forces might have developed differently. Meanwhile, all the other parties are a trap, so it is extremely important for Syriza to get an absolute majority if they are not to be forced into alliance with one of these pro-memoranda parties. Golden Dawn’s power depends largely on its relationship with the special forces which have been created in recent years, and Syriza is determined to break up these authoritarian institutions. The far right in Europe gets support by putting adopting a false anti-systemic image which can be attractive to elements of the population, but Syriza has proven that it is possible to get popular support without adopting a xenophobic or racist discourse. Thus is a major contrast with the continent’s social democratic parties, such as the UK’s Labour Party, which has no progressive agenda and therefore resorts to giving ground to anti-migrant sentiment in a desperate attempt to claw back some of its core support.

Overall, Kouvelakis said, Syriza aims to provoke a crisis within the European edifice, and use that to find a solution to the question of debt at the continent-wide level. In fact, Syriza’s rise has put the whole issue of debt on the table. He assured the people watching that Syriza will not retreat in negotiations with the Troika, and in fact their hand is stronger than may appear, because there can still be major repercussions if they are expelled from the Eurozone. It is also important to maintain a mobilised population, building on the growth of grassroots politics that has happened in recent years, but to make sure that local participation is linked up with transformation of society at the national and even international level. There is also a danger of Syriza being swallowed up into the state, and its activists are aware of this danger. You can’t underestimate what the traditional politicians could do either: one politician from New Democracy is on record saying that they would never allow the left to govern in Greece. It won’t be easy for Syriza to get the Greek state functioning, but it could achieve this if it liberates the skills of the population who are currently overseas or unemployed.