A contribution to the discussion on a new party by Kady Tait of Leeds Left Unity and Workers Power,
The terrific response to Ken Loach’s Appeal proves this is an idea whose time has
come. So how can we achieve the potential that 8000 signatories and more than 80
local groups present for the formation of a new party ? And what are the pitfalls we
need to avoid?
The economic crisis of the capitalist system has thrown millions out of their jobs,
increasing poverty and insecurity on those still in work while the party of the
billionaires and their Liberal-Democrat partners demolish the welfare state,
decimate jobs in the public sector and freeze the wages of those who remain.
The central idea raised in Ken Loach’s inspiring film The Spirit of ’45, and his
Appeal – that we need a new party to defend the welfare state, created by the
Clement Attlee’s post-war Labour government, and abandoned by his successors – has
found an echo well beyond the organised left.
As we go to press, more than 8000 people have signed up to support Ken’s call, 85
local groups have already been formed. And the numbers grow daily.
Millions are waking up to the realisation that the NHS, state education, welfare for
the sick, disabled and jobless, face destruction in the last two years of the
Coalition’s life and that “waiting for Labour” would allow this to happen.
The desire for a serious political force willing and able to stop the cuts is also
prompted by the feeble opposition of Labour to this onslaught and the failure of the
post-Gordon Brown leadership to really break with “New Labour”. Ed Miliband’s
endorsement of the One Nation slogan, and Harriet Harman’s emulation of the Tories’
war on the ‘undeserving poor’ show how little have changed. Blair’s policy of aping
the Tories and Lib Dems to attract the voters of ‘Middle England’ still grips the
party’s leaders in parliament.
They have refused to oppose outright the destruction of the welfare state or even to
sound the alarm bells that it is happening and Miliband has repeatedly criticised
workers who strike to defend their jobs, pay and pensions. Labour councils have too
easily done the Tories’ dirty work by closing local services and cutting jobs.
The positive response to Ken Loach’s appeal also reflects a growing realisation that
the current piecemeal character of union resistance to the cuts and the existence of
several rival national anticuts campaigns is a totally inadequate response to the
The crisis in the Socialist Workers Party and the stagnation of the Socialist Party
at such a time underlines the fact that neither of the small far left organisations
is offering an effective strategy.
A new fighting political party, with thousands of members rooted in the communities,
is what is needed. But if it must not be a sect neither must it be a repetition of
Old Labour, let alone of New or Blue Labour. It must be a party capable of
democratically working out a strategy and then implementing it by unleashing a tidal
wave of popular resistance.
A party to unite the struggle against the austerity government
Opposition to austerity has seen millions strike, walkout and protest. The will to
fight back clearly exists but the Labour Party, the leaders of the big unions and
the far left groups have all failed to develop a united resistance able to deploy
the huge collective power of the working class.
Labour has absolutely no will to summon working people to revolt but neither do many
of the right wing union leaders. They are hoping that the Coalition’s unpopularity
will lead to a shoo-in for a Labour government, despite the fact that the party
won’t even promise to stop – let alone reverse – the cuts.
The left union leaders continually promise coordinated action – some even talk of a
general strike – yet somehow nothing effective comes of all this. The far left on
the other hand continues to compete with each other in rival anti-cuts campaigns.
Amongst the youth the movements of 2010-11- the student revolt, the UK Occupy
Movement, after initial successes failed to generate or sustain the mass movement
needed to get real results. This has led to a certain disenchantment with the idea
of “leaderless” struggles.
This frustrating impasse has led people to realise that only a political
organization- a party – can resolve this paralysis. This idea has been reinforced
by the emergence in Greece of Syriza (the Coalition of the Radical Left), which in
2012 nearly blocked the imposition of the Troika’s savage austerity programme. It
shot from 4.6 per cent in the elections of October 2009 to 26.89 in those of June
2012, becoming the second party in parliament. For many this re-raised the question
of taking power and the importance of parties as weapons of resistance.
A new working class party in Britain must set itself the task of building a united
working class resistance to Cameron and Clegg. This is not just a matter of
passively listening to radical speeches – whether in a People’s Assembly in Central
Hall Westminster or even at the end of a monster demonstration in Hyde Park – if one
It will come from the direct involvement of thousands of today’s anticuts, student
and union activists in working out a strategy to unite every local, regional and
national struggle. It means bringing them together to discuss concrete policies and
how to put them into practice. It means taking this debate into the workplaces; the
communities, the pubs and clubs; everywhere people meet and discuss politics.
Avoiding the pitfalls of Labourism
But we should not forget the lessons of the rightward turn of the Labour Party under
Blair and Brown, till its policies shadow those of the Tories, nor of the crushing
of the left and the remnants of party democracy under Kinnock in the 1980s and
The fixation of the party on the mirage of winning a majority by chasing the
“floating voter” or the “squeezed middle” meant sacrificing a socialist programme
and pro-working class policies to this goal. Likewise the old system of union block
votes in the hands of a few general secretaries was usually a force to crush the
left. And in office a Labour prime minister and cabinet were always free of any
serious control even by their MPs, let alone by the party membership or annual
These sources of disappointment and betrayal were always in the genetic code of Old
Labour and they only came to full fruition under Blair and Brown. Any new party we
build must avoid them by a creating a powerful rank and file democracy and adopting
a bold socialist programme developed and understood by its membership – one whose
road to power is not based on parliament but on mass direct action.
The real power in society is not found in parliament or in the town halls – it is in
the hands of the capitalists who pay poverty wages, sack workers to protect profit,
dodge taxes – and the bankers who trousered the £trillion taxpayer bailout in the
forms of bonuses and golden handshakes.
The “right” of these people to plunder us is defended by unelected judges who ban
strikes, the unaccountable police who harass and murder, the sexist justice system
which refuses to challenge rape and sexual violence, the millionaires’ media which
promotes the rulers’ ideology of racist and sexist division between ordinary people
who have in common their common exploitation by a system which works to the profit
of a few not the needs of the many.
Elections do however play a role in communicating what the programme of a working
class government would be – it shows the existence of an alternative. But an
electoral replacement of the Coalition by Labour will not by itself end the attacks
on living standards. If we say that standing and electing MPs and councillors is the
only or the prime measure of an organization’s effectiveness, then this will
inevitably lead to trimming our programme and policies to win elections.
What sort of party?
We need a party that can mobilise real, active, mass forces not create a passive
membership turned out for only for election campaigns, but a party of the working
people, a party for every campaign, a party of resistance to every injustice. A
party that is built from deep within every struggle – built from the inside out not
brought from the outside in.
To do this effectively it must be a mass party whose base units are rooted in
workplaces, housing estates and become bodies to which people will bring their
problems. But unlike Labour it will be a party that offers a solution in which they
will play an integral role. Our principal aim must be to build a campaigning and
fighting organization – to struggle to overcome our divisions and unite the maximum
forces around a democratically agreed strategy to resist the vicious measures that
are raining down on us. Ultimately it must develop a perspective for turning the
defensive struggle into the struggle for power.
Democracy in the party is key to achieving all this; it is informed both by periods
of thorough discussion and free and open dissent leading to a decision and then
determined action in pursuit of the agreed aim.
A party without policies or a programme is no party. The party will have to develop
its own programme. This requires a serious process of democratic debate culminating
in a truly representative conference, where all trends of opinion can freely express
their views. From early on the new Party should adopt as its project developing a
full strategic programme – a programme for political power.
This should be democratically discussed and developed by the whole party, in
branches, city or regional conferences, specific drafting commissions, before its
final adoption by a delegate conference. This is a process similar to that adopted
(but not completed) by the New Anticapitalist Party (NPA) in France. It has been
used by SYRIZA in Greece.
Undoubtedly if we succeed in attracting large numbers of working class people,
former Labour supporters, rank and file trade unionists, then many will retain a
reformist or old left Labour perspective. Others will believe a revolutionary
programme is necessary. All should express their opinions openly and these should be
discussed and debated in a fraternal way – avoiding the disruption of agreed common
action and campaigning. No one current be it reformist or revolutionary should seek
to pre-empt or predetermine the outcome of such a programmatic discussion.
A Programme for Action
But in the short term the embryonic party needs an action programme or platform
limited to the burning issues we need to fight for in 2013-14.
This limitation reflects the fact that the proto-party in its formative months or
even years will have something of the character of a united front between different
left tendencies that currently operate separately.
What might this initial platform contain? In the view of Workers Power it should at
least be a party that fights to:
Halt the privatisation and destruction of the welfare state – the NHS, public
education, social services and pensions, culture – by all means necessary including
direct action, strikes and occupations, up to and including a general strike to
bring down the coalition government.
Unite the rival national anticuts campaigns at the People’s Assembly – drawing in
the many local anticuts committees and campaigns. Together we must formulate a
national plan of action. We support the call for a huge demonstration of February 15
2003 proportions to launch mass action.
A party that:
Supports the building of anti-bureaucratic rank and file movements in every union to
deliver action with the union leaders if possible but without them where necessary.
Supports the creation of autonomous movements of the unemployed and youth and a
working class women’s movement.
Opposes all imperialist wars and occupations abroad and state repression of civil
rights at home in the name of the ‘war on terror’ or of delivering ‘humanitarian
Supports the Arab revolutions and the fight of the Palestinians to return to their
Opposes the savage austerity imposed by the rulers of the European Union on Greece,
Cyprus and other countries and calls for Europe-wide actions in solidarity with all
those fighting the cuts.
Fights against racism, sexism, Islamophobia, homophobia and all forms of social
Fights against the capitalist destruction of the environment.
The New Left party should campaign to unite workers, students, welfare claimants and
youth around the replacement of crisis-wracked capitalism with a democratically
planned, ecologically sustainable, socialist system. The means needed to achieve
this goal – whether by a social revolution or by a process of social reform – will
have to be democratically debated and discussed by the members of the new party
before this is finally established in a programme.
Left Unity is active in movements and campaigns across the left, working to create an alternative to the main political parties.
Events and protests from around the movement, and local Left Unity meetings.
Saturday 12th May
National TUC demo
A New Deal for Working People
London. Assemble 11am. Full details here
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Left Unity 2018 National Conference
Left Unity’s annual national conference.
Sunday 19 August, 14.00-15.00
Peterloo Massacre 2018 Commemorative Rally & Picnic
In Manchester, hosted by Greater Manchester Association of Trades Union Councils. More info on Facebook
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