Gramsci, snooker and continental drift
Sean Thompson on why all socialists, regardless of their previous affiliations, should be actively supporting Jeremy Corbyn’s campaign
“The crisis consists precisely in the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born; in this interregnum a great variety of morbid symptoms appear.”
As the Bard of Essex Ian Dury so cogently put it “There ain’t arf been some clever bastards”. Antonio Gramsci was undoubtedly one of the cleverest of those bastards, particularly as evidenced by his concept of hegemony, the ‘manufacture of consent’ that maintains the dominance of ruling class ideas and values in bourgeois society.
Gramsci saw that the capitalist state was made up of two interlinking elements, ‘political society’ – Lenin’s ‘special bodies of armed men’ – and ‘civil society’, which rules through popular acceptance of ruling class ideology. His concept of civil society was very different to the narrow view common today, which defines it as the ‘third sector’ of charities, voluntary organisations and NGOs. Gramsci’s civil society is the public sphere where trade unions and political parties gain concessions from the bourgeois state, and the sphere in which ideas and beliefs are shaped and bourgeois ‘hegemony’ reproduced in cultural life through the media, universities and religious institutions to create and maintain legitimacy.
But nothing is fixed, everything is in a constant state of flux, even though we may not be aware of it in the moment. In his Prison Notebooks, Gramsci pointed out that the leverage that institutions like political parties exert can only be maintained when and where there is some relationship between what they are saying and doing and the lived experience of their traditional supporters – stretched too far and that relationship will eventually break. In as neat a description of ‘Pasokification’ as one could wish for, he wrote:
“At a certain point in their historical lives, social classes become detached from their traditional parties. In other words, the traditional parties in that particular organisational form, with the particular men who constitute, represent and lead them, are no longer recognised by their class (or fraction of a class) as its expression.”
That is clearly what has happened in Greece, Spain and Scotland. And it is, perhaps, just, starting to happen in England and Wales too. But while cracks in hegemony may have begun to open, its crisis is not consistent across civil society nor consistent within all social groups. For example, Labour’s election defeat was not only the result of its annihilation by a party to its left in Scotland, but the erosion of its vote in many depressed northern working class areas was due to both the (deserved) disengagement by older working class voters and to some degree their drift towards UKIP.
At the same time though, the more or less spontaneous manifestations of popular rejection of the Tories’ austerity agenda, largely but not entirely on the part of young members of the precariat, demonstrated by the Green Party’s surge in membership from fourteen to sixty seven thousand before the election and now quite spectacularly in the emergence of a widespread grassroots campaign for Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership bid, represents the most important crack in the ruling class’s ideological hegemony for a generation or more.
Earthquakes, while sudden, do not just happen spontaneously without cause. Continental drift causes the tectonic plates that makes up the crust of our planet to shift, split apart and slowly collide. The sudden cataclysmic rupturing of the St Andreas Fault, which will rip California apart, could happen tomorrow or in ten thousand years, but it will be as the result of a process that has been underway for millennia.
Political earthquakes are the product of long maturing crises too. The SNP earthquake is the product of years of Labour’s slow internal decay, caused by its arrogant sense of entitlement to its seemingly impregnable Scottish heartlands, grinding against the growth of popular alienation from Westminster rule since the disastrous imposition of the Poll Tax, and the steady growth of the SNP in the vacuum Labour created in its steady move to the right.
Since 2010 the most significant feature of real opposition to the Tory austerity policies, the most reactionary and vindictive for a century, has been, by and large, its absence. Labour had abandoned even the most timid Keynesianism and found itself increasingly, if rhetorically regretfully, complicit in the attacks on the the poor and the disabled (even though it had opened the door for some of them when in office). The trade union bureaucracy, unwilling to break with the Labour leadership clique, has largely responded to the Tories’ attacks with angry press statements and the organisation of a few token demonstrations. But the entire neoliberal project that has dominated the economic agenda since the early 1980s has, since 2008, faced an ongoing chronic crisis which has emerged and re-emerged in different ways and different places.
Of course, capital is generally able to find a way out of crisis – even as profound as the interlocking complex of crises it now faces – if it is given the freedom of movement to do so. Thus the Tories, emboldened by the apparent lack of opposition to its economically illiterate 2010 austerity programme (and in particular by Labour’s effective capitulation) are preparing to launch a savage attack on the welfare state and the trade unions that will sweep away most of the gains of a century of reformism. But economic crises also produce a response among those who are forced to pay the price for their resolution, albeit delayed. When crises come, they develop in new and unexpected ways as their contradictions are condensed and dispersed, rupturing in surprising ways.
While a crisis doesn’t automatically produce a widespread or radical (or progressive) change in consciousness, it does change the terrain of struggle. A period like now, when, in comparison to ‘normal times’ a long underlying crisis emerges, provides an opening for socialists to explain our ideas to a more receptive audience, but we can’t assume radical changes of consciousness will spontaneously emerge – certainly not in the same way at the same time among all oppressed groups. Rather, socialists need to be actively involved in struggle – organising and open to the possibilities of this particular conjuncture. As Gramsci put it:
“A crisis occurs, sometimes lasting for decades. This exceptional duration means that incurable structural contradictions have revealed themselves (reached maturity) and that, despite this, the political forces which are struggling to conserve and defend the existing structure itself are making every effort to cure them, within certain limits, and to overcome them. These incessant and persistent efforts … form the terrain of the ‘conjunctural’ and it is upon this terrain that the forces of opposition organise.”
Or more poetically “Crisis thus appears as the moment of rupture at which theory can be transformed into a strategic art”.
However, in taking advantage of the possibilities opened up by the crisis we need to be aware that the window of opportunity can both open and shut very rapidly and without apparent warning. As Daniel Bensaid said, “in strategy, time is the exact opposite of a uniform, homogeneous and empty dimension. It is made of clashes, sudden changes and moments to be seized.”
But in order to seize the time one needs a party, or at least a popular movement, or at least a critical mass of some thousands of activists who can provide the energy, physical resources and imagination needed to mobilise that movement and build (or rebuild) that party. So what grouping on the left could provide such a critical mass? The Green Party could do it but won’t. Left Unity would do it but can’t (certainly not on its own). The various comic opera bolshevik sects don’t even want to. But perhaps – just perhaps – the inchoate movement coalescing around Jeremy Corbyn might. While the Jeremy for Labour campaign might not be a Podemos, and certainly not a Syriza, its remarkable success in mobilising significant numbers of current and former Labour members or supporters, independent socialists and most crucially, battalions of young people, may well be a case of third time lucky after the dead end of the ‘Green Surge’ and the sadly drifting Left Unity project.
While Corbyn’s campaign has built up an astonishing and exciting head of popular steam it would be foolish (and tempting fate) to predict his victory at this stage. As I write there is a month of campaigning to go, the hysterical red baiting and muck raking of an almost universally hostile mass media continues unabated and there are signs that Andy Burnham is sidling up to nick a few of Jeremy’s clothes. However, the significance of his campaign for socialists can hardly be overstated.
As all devoted Pot Black viewers will know, when playing snooker there often comes a point where all the easy reds have been potted and all that remain are in a tight group, none of which will pot. In order to make any further progress, one then has to pot a colour and in doing so cannon into the group of reds to disturb them. There is no way of predicting where any of the reds will then go, but it is a chance that has to be taken. If Jeremy wins (or, indeed, if he very narrowly loses) we cannot predict with any certainty what will happen next. But what we can say with certainty is that his victory would be a game changer for the left, with the potential to be the most critical step towards the birth (or rebirth) of a mass pluralist party of the socialist/feminist/green left in our lifetime.
7 comments
7 responses to “Gramsci, snooker and continental drift”
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Great article, Sean. Spot on.
Ian Dury, Gramsci AND Pot Black in the same article.
Very well put. I feel the Scottish result in the election is the most telling, but the tapas-munching champagne socialists of Hampstead just aren’t reading it at all. Voters in Scotland are not that much more radical than those in working class communities of England, but have rejected a Labour party in Scotland that was more left-wing (though not that much) that the Milliband mob.
I expect Mint Cake to drop out to give Cooper a chance, then she will drop out to allow Burnham a straight pop at Jez.
And Jez will come a close second, alas. I base that on no scientific research at all, just a gnawing feeling. It’s partly being a Celtic fan, you know that free-flowing football sometimes results in being pipped to the title by the defensive minded.
Interesting and thought provoking article to which I would like to add a few points.
First and foremost I think the reference to the ‘sadly drifting Left unity project’ requires further explanation given the article has been written by a member of Left Unity and has been posted on the Left Unity website.The Corbyn result, whether he wins or loses, will have significant implications and consequences for the future of Left Unity given the similarity of politics and yet Left Unity was set up to fill the space to the Left of the Labour party given it’s predominant right wing neo liberal- imperialist trajectory over the last twenty years or so under the leadership of Blair and Brown.
I would agree that the Jeremy Corbyn movement deserves close attention but critical support from the whole of the British Left given it’s significant size and rapid growth. I would simply add that much has been written about it already in very excitable tones and yet as the articles states it is a very difficult situation predict and say what will happen.
It would of course be hugely important if Jeremy Corbyn wins the Labour Leader contest as well he might but at the same time it shouldn’t be forgotten that it is nevertheless the case that the Labour Left (and the Left as a whole) as it presently stands is possibly at it’s weakest and most fragmented for a long time in terms of influence and organisational strength, especially in terms of the number of credible Labour Left MP’s within the Labour party.
It would require huge numbers of old and new Left members joining the party to influence and or change the existing narrow ‘democratic’ party structures, strengthen the Labour Left and bring the party into line with Corbyn’s ‘socialist’ ideas, all of which would take time (that’s without even taking into account what the reaction of the Balirites might be within the party to a Corbyn Victory).
Jeremy Corbyn as leader could easily end up as a symbolic beached whale within a right wing neo liberal dominated party.Who would he appoint as part of his shadow cabinet given there are so few able credible Left MP’s left within the Labour party ? To what extent would he be forced to appoint neo liberals Blairites within his shadow cabinet in the name of party unity ? All of which would obviously require serious political compromise which would undoubtedly affect Corbyn’s image, politics and credibility.
Many very solid points, Patrick (and Craig too). You are quite correct that the Labour Party is today, after 30 years of working class retreat, so staffed at all levels with completely politically and personally corrupt people that if Jeremy won, but the party didn’t split, he is highly likely to indeed be trapped in an overwhelmingly right wing shadow cabinet and parliamentary party (with a rightist Deputy Leader too – undermining his every pronouncement), constantly compromising on his radical election promises “to maintain party unity” – as ever with the Left in the Labour Party..
The other “elephant in the room” is the umpteen solidly Austerity implementing collaborationist , very often profoundly corrupt, Labour Councils all, over the country, who will continue to discredit a nominally “Corbinesque, Anti austerity” re-radicalised Labour Party. Such a deeply corrupt local party structure will soon wear out and piss off most of the massive recent influx of radical left members and supporters.
The best outcome for the radical Left is a massive, intemperate, arrogant, ill thought out, right wing coup by the neoliberal parliamentary majority if Jeremy wins – leading to a split in the party and a chance to build a radical Left party of some considerable size upon the radical (but essentially Left reformist) politics Corbyn has outlined, with the support of key trades unions – hence ditching much of the poisoned historical personnel baggage at both local government and Westminster Parliamentary levels.
There can be no doubt that , two years on, our Left Unity project is drifting badly – still not able to secure more than 2,000 members. This is mostly due, in my opinion, to our party still being trapped in the old Far Left bubble with too many of our policy priorities. For instance our General Election Manifesto gaily stated that Left Unity stood for public ownership of ALL the means of production – despite this being completely contrary to our founding Aims statement. Jeremy’s campaign clearly shows the advantages of concentrating , at this time, on a few key sectors for renewed public ownership, the railways and power companies, and the NHS of course . in case anyone is in any doubt, in the current neoliberal context even Jeremy’s very mild Left proposals are “transitional” in their certainty of provoking a direct confrontation with the capitalist class.
We have also of course been bedevilled, in some of our key geographical branches by the endless sectarian ultraleft posturing nonsense from our tiny entryist toy Bolshevik grouplets. The atmosphere in these branches is completely inimical to the recruitment of ordinary left leaning people – such as the Jeremy Corbyn campaign has mobilized in the tens of thousands. Until Left Unity gets rid of its tiny utterly cynically divisive ultraleft grouplets we will never be a party able to recruit in the tens of thousands – on a widely attractive radical Left policy platform.
However, what happens next with the Cobyn campaign will determine whether a distinct alternative radical Left party to Labour is even needed at this historical moment . I think it is – but hopefully Left Unity can actually be a component part of a radically restructured “split-asunder from its parent body ” radical, sizeable new socialist Labour Party. I personally certainly couldn’t face re-entering a Labour Party in which Jeremy Corbyn came second in the election – doomed again to spend decades (well I haven’t got decades left) fruitlessly fighting to “turn the party Leftwards” against a fundamentally neoliberal party structure. Been there – done that futile thing !
I think there needs to be a much more rigorous discussion and debate about the ‘drift of Left Unity’ because if this is not seriously addressed and dealt with then there wont be much of a Left unity to speak of.
I agree that to an extent the party’s growth has been hampered and set back in certain areas by the highly cumbersome and destructive antics of various impossiblist sectarian groups.
A well phrased and thought through motion put forward at the forthcoming National conference should be able to sort this matter out ie clearly establishing within the party constitution that no other political party may be active within the party.
Perhaps someone might venture to put forward a comprehensive article for discussion and debate on the LU website about their perceptions of the party’s development so far and where they think it is ‘drifting’, why they think it is ‘drifting’ and making positive and constructive proposals for how they think this drift can be addressed and turned around.
In my view we are completely missing the point that millions of people are so turned off and alienated from the idea of our so called ‘democracy’ and ‘politics’ and decidedly hacked off with ‘ mainstream’ politicians bar a few exceptions such as in Scotland, the phenomenal growth and popularity of the SNP, the exciting development of the Scottish Left project, the growing mass support and great enthusiasm for Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership bid, the enduring support for John McDonnell and Caroline Lucas and the growth in support for the racist reactionary right wing UKIP.
Left Unity,Jeremy Corbyn and the whole of the Left need to urgently address the whole matter of the disturbing growth of the reactionary UKIP which garnered nearly 4 million votes at the General Election.
The question of DEMOCRACY and REPRESENTATION needs to be addressed full on, as at present we are failing to present a radical POLITICAL ALTERNATIVE never mind present a ‘relevant’ and comprehensive radical critique and analysis of the present highly corrupt political system.From the rotting stench emitting from the cesspit of this sinking Parliament,to the death throws of the wholly undemocratic and corrupt House of Lords, the privatized and corrupted civil service and the deadening rubber stamp of gutted local government all crowned by The oh so dull , ‘kin’ boring and sickening daily bread and circuses of the obscenely rich and wealthy right Royal Aristocrats Show, resplendent in their anal contentment subsidized to the tune of millions by the long suffering tax payer !! Massaged into place by the nauseating daily diet of premier league football awash in mega bucks, with ‘aspiring’ performers unwilling to get out of bed for less than a few hundred grand a week !
The hot potato of the Dolphin Square Establishment COVER UP perfectly sums up this rotten discredited system and which clearly goes very deep,high and low, far and wide and deserves far far greater attention from the Left .A far more robust and popular demand for truth and justice is required as the full truth were it to ever to come to light, exposed to the full light of day, seen by millions then this of will sow seeds of great anger and disillusionment with ‘politics and politicians’ as yet unknown and unseen which the Left seriously needs to relate to.
I do think the recent LU NEC statement on the Corbyn campaign/movement gives somewhat confused and mixed messages about where LU is at present.
“When Left Unity was founded we understood clearly that to become a serious political force we would need to forge strategic alliances throughout the left.
We need to support this process – to raise the level of political debate, to assist in shifting the balance of the political narrative, and supporting the strengthening of the socialist voice and values within the Labour Party.”
ie However much we might relate to Jeremy Corbyn’s Socialist politics, is it Left Unity’s job to be strengthening the Left/Socialist voice within the Labour ?
I think you are right John about how a Corbyn victory would probably make the Labour party as it stands untenable with all kinds of right wing destabilisation, ructions and mayhem taking place.
Obviously if it came to a major split within the Labour party then there would obviously be a huge opening and opportunity for vital Left renewal and growth to create a new broad Left mass party which the whole of the sane Left could relate and respond to but this at the moment is pure speculation and I prefer to try to see things as they are at the moment.
As far as I am concerned, the raison d’être of Left Unity was to help in the establishment/re-establishment of a mass pluralist party of the socialist, feminist, environmentalist left. In my article I made clear, I hope, that I believe that the unprecedented popular response to JC’s campaign has made Left Unity’s very modest efforts effectively redundant. It seems clear to me that the hundreds of thousands who have flooded into the Labour Party over the last few weeks have created a new reality to which all socialists should respond positively. Unfortunately, LU’s Executive does not seem to have done so, and has sought to fudge the decisions that have to be made. I think that the Executive should have accepted that LU’s key function has been in large measure overtaken by the overwhelming response to the JC campaign and that consequently LU has no viable future as a freestanding electoral party.
I believe that the correct role now for supporters of the Left Unity project is to help make the Labour Party the broad based home for all socialists alongside the thousands who have been inspired and energised by JC and his campaign. Therefore, like hundreds of other LU supporters, I have felt that I have no alternative but to resign from LU and apply to join the Labour Party.
Hi Sean
Sorry to see you go, though I can understand why. (By the way, I don’t think it’s hundreds who are going just yet…)
However, even if I follow your analysis most of the way, I think the events of the last few days show it isn’t that simple. In the current atmosphere it seems likely that your membership of the Labour Party will be refused – as it is being for hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people who in many cases have no history of membership of other political parties, or doing anything Labour has any right to object to: they are being expelled simply for being left wing.
We can have a discussion about whether or not it’s a good idea to go into Labour. I think it’s primarily a tactical question, whether we can be more effective inside Labour, or independently, where we don’t need to self-censor. But many who are already trying are finding that joining Labour is not as easy as all that! The political will is there to transform Labour, but the structures remain under the control of the right.
Tom