Gioia Coppola reports on the workers’ assemblies and self-organisation taking place in Italy.
There’s very good news from Italy. Workers in the factories, in the private and public sectors, have launched an independent debate to defend themselves from austerity measures and are looking for alternative political and economic solutions to the crisis. Two different assemblies were recently called on the same day by self-organising committees: one in the south, in Avellino, and one in the north, in Modena and they were very successful, attended by many people.
Below is the appeal launched by Comitato Resistenza Operaia Irisbus (the Irisbus Workers’ Resistance Committee) and Comitato No Debito (the No Debt Committee) for a public meeting in Avellino.
“Irisbus (a bus manufacturing company) Ufita Valley in the province of Avellino has started a process of closure and decommissioning, but the Workers’ Resistance Committee, born out of the determination of a group of factory workers and citizens to defend themselves, refuses to surrender. They are mobilizing to recover the plant and restart production. For this reason, and from this place – the symbol of a thousand widespread realities in the country – we want to restart and resume the thinking required to develop, here and now, workable solutions. From self-management to the nationalization of closing factories: to organize the struggles, coordinating with other mobilizations, to build a national campaign to impose its agenda: Work!
Our country is ravaged by the effects of the general crisis of the capitalist system: on the one hand dismantling and the destruction of industrial layoffs and skyrocketing unemployment rates; on the other the policies put in place by the last government – Prodi, Monti, Berlusconi with the support of parliament and directed by Napolitano in accordance with the Marchionne on duty, the financial speculators, the Vatican, the ECB, criminal organizations, NATO, the U.S. and the EU; and a variety of measures that have targeted the dismantling of the welfare state, the elimination of trade union democracy and the systematic repression of resistance.
These events are emblematic: Alcoa, Ilva Taranto, the Sevel of Termoli, the Florentine Ginori, Fiat of Turin, Cassino, Melfi or Pomigliano D’Arco, dell’Irisbus of Avellino, the ‘subsidiary companies’ that are to be closed down, leaving hundred of thousands of families without salary. Even the dismantling of public health as we are told from the struggle committees of the San Raffaele Hospital in Milan and elsewhere…. money for necessary services is needed and there are no jobs. They repeat the mantra – that they have to cut because we need to reduce the public debt, but in the face of so much misery the national debt continues to rise! The facts, however, are clear. There is money for wheeling and dealing, to pay gold-plated salaries to CEOs, nobles, clergy, to buy F35s, to finance large-scale work. There is an astronomical amount of money!
Reality shows us that to revive our country, even if only to decontaminate and clear it from environmental devastation, there is enough work for everyone! Recognize and implement measures to achieve it, develop a plan of work for the country: it is only a matter of political will! Without work, without a salary there is no progress, nor democracy and dignity! Is it possible to deal with all this? Is it possible to recover and achieve what we need? It is now clear that just keeping on claiming our rights from government is not enough. They have no intention of meeting our demands.
We need to build a political alternative to EU debt policy, to social butchery, to masters and banks! It is necessary, here and now, to link the struggles to finding and practicing the solutions to our problems. And we must do that without proxies or a ‘wait and see’ attitude. Starting from the factories and local communities which are fighting to defend the rights of the majority: from Susa to the working class that did not bend in Pomigliano, Mirafiori, Melfi, Taranto, Termoli; from Alcoa workers to the workers of the San Raffaele Hospital in Milan; from Ikea workers to the Committee of Free and Thinking Citizens of Taranto; from the workers occupying factories threatened with closure to the students’ movement: it is necessary to coordinate action, to fight. And it is also necessary to start a debate: to develop and test the deployment of possible measures for the resumption of socially useful production and to the conversion of harmful production, safeguarding jobs, rights and living conditions, creating new jobs.
On 6 April in Avellino, we want to build a public meeting about the realities of the struggle, workers, temporary workers, the unemployed, students, citizens who in recent months have organized to resist the advance of the crisis in its many forms. We invite everyone to participate, intellectuals, technical experts, progressive institutional representatives who want to make a contribution to the revival of the country.”
I listened to the assembly in Avellino, broadcast by a local radio. It was very interesting, above all for the interventions of the workers and for their true rage.
They are persuaded that there are no possible “friendly” governments for the working class in Italy, no political representation of working class interests; they stated that, with the trade unions having sold working class rights over the last 30 years with the politics of accepting the least worst, the chance to stop the attack on working conditions and wages and fight back lies in workers’ cooperation and unity.
The points on which there was a general agreement were self-organisation of the workers, coordination of action, exchange of experiences, relations with the local community, backing resistance to austerity measures. Positions taken ranged from the formation of cooperatives of workers to take over closed factories, to the reduction of working hours, the nationalisation of banks and factories, general strike, to a workers’ republic and government by the working class.
There were two final proposals: a European-wide action, a march for jobs, proposed by Comitato No Debito (the No Debt Committee) and the diffusion of this kind of assembly everywhere, proposed by Comitato Resistenza Operaia (the Workers’ Resistance Committee).
Two things were also stressed many times: the need for the working class to be a political actor, and the need for unity on the left.
There was also an assembly in Modena, organised by Operai and Licenziati Fiat CNH Modena, and they have just published some extracts of the very intense debate that occurred. Here they are:
“We have to face the extensive theoretical problems of our class. We are tired and we don’t need someone to watch our ass, to tell us the sacrifices of our existence, we know them best of all. This is not a trade union meeting for wages, or coordination of non-existent or existing struggles: we are gathered here because as militant working class of some of the most important concentrations of workers (old and new) in the region and in the province, we want to find out if we can give ourselves a common policy to deal with the owners, an independence that is above all practical and theoretical from other social classes, and all their joint unions and political machinery. ” extract no.1 from the main report approved unanimously by ASSEMBLEA OPERAIA MODENA (Modena Workers’ Assembly) 6 APRILE 2013.
“Of course, we know from experience as the exploited (but also from the speeches of masters and false friends) that the workers themselves are unaccustomed to become aware of their own strength: material-economic and therefore political in the capitalist society. But it takes just a true strike, a blunt and decisive action of the workers, like the one in Anzola, and they rediscover their union and their consciousness. We got unexpected results, partial victories and refined weapons … to win workers to class struggle. Making it a permanent wedge against the bosses is the actual progress that’s worth more than a thousand words spoken by those who “would like to represent the workers,” but can’t do it any more when workers begin to represent themselves, without guardians .” extract no. 2 from the main report approved unanimously at ASSEMBLEA OPERAIA MODENA (Modena Workers’ Assembly) 6 APRILE 2013.
As Left Unity we have sent our support to both initiatives and will follow their future actions.
In the meantime the political situation is in deadlock. While Partito Democratico (centre left) is trying to find a possible alliance to secure the numbers to govern the country, the refusal of Movimento Cinque Stelle (the Five Star Movement) to engage in any dialogue is giving Il Popolo della Libertà (Berlusconi’s party) more strength. M5S is loosing credibility by the day and many people are openly regretting voting for it. The situation seems to be leading towards new elections and a higher level of political struggle and the radicalisation of the class war.
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This is a very interesting round up of two places where resistance is continuing in Italy. The comitato no debito is particularly important. Also the No TAV movement had a very large national mobilisation a week or two ago against the high speed link that will devestate the VAl de Susa valley north of Turin. However the development of a national fightback has been very difficult. The FIOM metal workers union is calling a national demonstration in a few weeks and its leaders Landini is calling on the young precarious workers, the unemployed, the movements to join the demonstration. The more moderate unions, particularly the CGIL have been tied into the PD’s political project and failed to really do much against the Monti government that has been fully supported by the PD. Indeed Bersani, the PD leader has already sweared allegiance to the Troika if he forms any sort of government (see interview in the New York Times) So working people are findng it very difficult to find a political expression for their deep material concerns. That is where Grillo’s M5S movement has been important because it has channelled a lot of this anger. Many militant trade unionists voted for it as well as many other traditional left centre voters. I have just returned from Italy and many of my relatives and friends voted M5S. Now Grillo has always said his movement will not make a governmental alliance with parties like the PD or Berlusconi’s PDL who have done nothing for ordinary people particularly over the last twenty years. So it is no surprise that he has rejected Bersani’s approaches. So I think it is a little unfair at the end of your piece to say that Grillo is playing Berlusconi’s game. You could just as easily say that Bersani played Berulusconi’s game by having such a meek moderate campaign that so identified his party with pro-austerity, pro European Troika policices that many workers did not turn out for him. Also a number of the M5S policies were and are to the left of the PD e.g. on opposition to the High speed rail link, on the citizen’s income and on the political reforms. Don’t get me wrong I don’t think Grillo or the M5S is the answer either. It is not run democratically and has inter-class positions on how to solve the economic crisis. But placing the real problem on the failure to get a short term M5S/PD government seems to me misplaced. Such a government might make some institutional changes but it would not deal with the austerity problem. In any case just changing the voting system or limiting the MPs mandates to 2 terms would not in itself mean a government that would respond to the needs of working people. You are absolutely right to stress the importance of the Comitato No Debito and the other independent self-organised movements. Unfortunately the people organising the Cambiare Si Puo movement that was preparing a left alternative were not able to prevent Ferrero’s PRC, the Italian Communist and the Di Pietro appratuses taking over the initiative and creating the disastrous Ingroia campaign. The way forward will be longer term and requires a steady development of coordination of the movements on the ground into a unified non-sectarian political alternative. If the Rifondazione project had not collapse so badly with the mistaken support of the second Prodi government the radical left might have picked up the same sort of activist forces that Grillo has so skilfully done. Any left alternative today has to reach out to the M5S people on the ground in joint campaigns and action. Any new left unity type movement in Italy has to reflect on the lessons of the failed Rifondazione project which at one time was so promising – just like we in left unity have to also discuss the lessons of failed previous projects like Respect, Socialist Alliance or even the problems with the TUSC. There is a very interesting article by Guido Vitale on the situation and the state of the movement in last Fridays Manifesto, it is also posted on the Megafono quotidiano site at Alegre edizione. I have written something on the current situation including the terrible events of the suicides caused by Monti/PD/PDL austerity at the socialist resistance website.
First of all, the article I wrote it’s just an informative article about two realities of working class self-organization, and, as you can see, very briefly about the political situation in Italy. I want to say at once that, to open a serious debate, we need to stop putting in people’s mouth what people are not saying. I did not say that Grillo is intentionally playing Berlusconi’s game and that M5S (the Five Star Movement) is solely responsible for the current political situation in Italy. I said that the rejection of dialogue with the PD (Democratic Party, centre left) increases the political weight of the PdL (Berlusconi’s Party), as well, I want to add, a shift to the right of the PD.
That said, I would like to make clear what M5S is.
It is the party of the petty bourgeoisie; the majority, at least 70% of those elected and the voters of the party are right-wing, people who voted PDL and the Lega Nord (Nord League) at the previous elections. They are therefore fascists, racists. In addition, those who you claim to be left policies are not at all left per se. Be against the High speed rail link is not a working class target, though certainly the left cares about environmental issues. The citizen’s income, as well representing a step towards a “broadening” of the welfare state, is brought forward as a proposal only on the basis of the fact that, as Grillo says, so people do not go to steal.
In exchange, the M5S is anti-union, anti-immigrant, it’s a nationalist party that attracts the party of Le Pen, a party who is open to Casapound (a self declared fascist organisation) whereas, on the inside, it has MPs writing about good fascism (!) or want to pay press officers 2.85 euro per hour and have them work 14 hours a day!
I don’t know what else they should do to make clear to everyone to be a right-wing party. But, unfortunately, like at the birth of the fascist movement, some of those who supported Mussolini were from the left, revolutionary socialists, trade unionists, etc. .. To draw a parallel with what you say, for example between Mussolini’s proposals there was women’s vote, which then, of course, has not been carried out. How can we then think to make struggles and take joint actions with the fascists, as you propose?
The part of the left who voted M5S makes clear, if still necessary, the theoretical and political collapse of the left in Italy, made possible by abandoning the point of view of class, the point of view of the proletariat. The working class has understood what is going on and is organising independently. Surely this will contribute to the awakening of the entire proletariat.
Since you obviously read Italian and I haven’t got time now to translate it for all or readers. I will simply paste here what Grillo said on his site the other day regarding his movement’s relationship with fascists:
eppe Grillo – “Con la crisi le ideologie son pronte per tornare. Anche il nazismo e il fascismo non scompaiono mai. Io ne sento l’odore da lontano ed è questo il momento del loro grande ritorno. Quando ci sono pesanti crisi economiche e politiche, la gente rispolvera le parole d’ordine più facili e comprensibili, è sempre stato così. Oggi se uno dice “basta con gli immigrati” ha un seguito immediato. In Francia c’è Le Pen, la destra razzista avanza in Finlandia e non parliamo dell’Ungheria, dove al governo c’è la destra conservatrice e la destra estrema alle ultime elezioni è diventata il terzo partito proponendo leggi contro gli ebrei. Stanno nascendo in Europa delle destre violentissime che fanno leva sui sentimenti e sui luoghi comuni più irrazionali: l’immigrato che arriva e ti ruba il posto di lavoro oppure “il pane è nostro e ce lo dividiamo tra noi”. La gente esasperata pensa così. […] Non bisogna lasciare possibili spiragli a queste forze. Molti nostri avversari non capiscono che il MoVimento 5 Stelle è un argine democratico contro questi gruppi, se non ci fossimo noi avrebbero senz’altro più spazio.”
Contrariamente a quanto affermato ieri durante Piazza Pulita nessuno dello staff di Beppe Grillo ha mai avuto contatti con Marine Le Pen nè intende averli.
A key phrase here is that ‘We must not allow any openings to these (fascist) forces. Many of our enemies do not understand that the M5S is a democratic bulwark agains these groups, if we were not here they would have more space’
It is not only myself who has this analysis but most of the mainstream and leftwing/progressive analysts, for example Salvatore Cannavo, ex PRC MP who resigned with Franco Turigliato in the famous vote against Italian support for the Afghan war which helped end the second Prodi government. I spoke to many friends and relatives in Italy during Easter and many had voted Grillo – they are not fascists. Read the articles in Manifesto and elsewhere to show how huge percentages of young and trade union activists voted for the M5s. Opposition to the TAV is an ecological demand which I think socialists should support. The citizens income as a right is not the same as welfare handout – clearly that in itself does not turn over the capitalist system but it is a demand that the system cannot and will not accept at the moment and it would be a definite gain for all those unemployed or in precarious employment. Grillo certainly does not use socialist arguments to justify his policies but often crude but effective banter such as the one about stopping people stealing. As I said before I don’t thing the M5S is Syrizia or a left wing movement but it is certainly and emphatically not a fascist or even particularly rightwing one. In what way could it play a role similar to Mussolini in the 1920s. Napolitano deliberately excluded it from the socalled 10 sages and all the bourgeois forces (and the Troika) don’t want the M5S anywhere near government. No serious bourgeois forces even incipiently see it as a force to destroy the resistance of the workers movement.
Finally the working class that is organising independently is not an abstraction it is made of people influenced by political current and forces including Grillo. If you just denounce these 25% of the working class as fascists you are going to find it very difficult to mobilise. Indeed trade union leaders or activists like Landini and Cremachi from the FIOM are precisely reaching out to the base of the M5S movement at the moment, for example in the upcoming national demonstration.
First of all, I apologize to the readers for the lack of respect shown to them by Dave K, whose identity we’re not given to know more than he’s a journalist who writes for himself.
But, obviously, the rush to defend the choices of many friends and relatives was a necessity too strong and the time was too little to afford a translation for the readers. The important is to scream his own ideas, which is very popular in Italy at this time.
Of course I will not discuss over with a person who speaks for himself.
I would just like to point out to the readers that the major point of disagreement is the class composition of the electorate of Movimento 5 Stelle (5 Star Movement), to our unknown author, be totally belonging to the working class.
For the readers chance to understand and judge for themselves, I report the percentage of votes the major parties lost in relation to previous elections. I want to remind that the Movimento 5 Stelle was not present in 2008 and scored 25.5% in those of 2013.
Popolo della Liberta ‘(Berlusconi) – 15.8%
Lega Nord (North League, racist party) – 4
PD (Democratic Party, center left) – 8
I also want to point out that in the last election there was an increase in the percentage of abstentions by 5%, for a total of 25%.
While the political forces that define themselves the left think they have to find possible voters among the voters of Movimento 5 Stelle, it’s just in the 25% of abstentions that there is a large part of the conscious working class, the only one at the moment, in Italy, able to give rise to a true party of the working class, not in words but in deeds.