Spain: a left-wing alternative in a conservative Europe

Ismael Gonzalez writes: The current European political landscape is dominated by the right. This statement is evident: one only needs to look at the governments of the centre-right and far-right—currently 16, of which four include far-right participation (Italy, Hungary, Slovakia, and Finland). In this context, only two governments include transformative left-wing parties: Spain and Slovenia. In this article, I focus on the Spanish government and what it represents—or could represent—for the peoples of Europe.

Spain stands out as a notable exception, with a left-wing coalition government implementing an audacious political programme (the PSOE–SUMAR government programme). This article analyses its advances in economic and social matters, its political stance regarding the genocide of the Palestinian people in Gaza, and the paradox of its valuation: insufficient for some social movements and our political organisations, yet perceived as a beacon of progress internationally.

1. Economic and Social Advances in the Last Two Legislatures

Let’s briefly review the economic and social data from the previous and current legislatures.

Economic Improvement and Job Creation

• Spain was one of the fastest-growing economies in the Eurozone in 2023, growing around 2.5%, above the European average.
• Job creation: Spain has broken historical records for Social Security enrolments, exceeding 21 million contributors. The unemployment rate, though still high, has fallen to levels not seen in 15 years (below 12%), showing a steady downward trend.
  (Sources: National Statistics Institute and Eurostat.)

Reduction of Poverty and Inequality

• Consecutive increases in the SMI (Minimum Interprofessional Wage): it has risen by more than 50% since 2018, reaching €1,134 per month in 2024. This has boosted the income of the most vulnerable workers, especially improving the situation for women with part-time jobs and pensioners.
• Implementation of the Social Shield during the pandemic: the ERTEs (Temporary Employment Regulation Files) prevented mass layoffs and helped not only workers but also companies adapt to the pandemic and post-pandemic period. The Social Shield included the introduction of the IMV (Minimum Vital Income), the prohibition of evictions and cuts to basic utilities, the reinforcement of basic public services (notably increased funding for public health), and aid lines for the self-employed and companies. This framework, an umbrella of decree-laws and measures expanded in subsequent years, helped prevent a deeper social and humanitarian crisis. Its impact was key to Spain’s stronger economic recovery.

According to reports from the FOESSA Foundation and Cáritas, these policies have contained and even slightly reduced severe poverty rates amid a global crisis. It is important to highlight the efforts of the Ministry of Childhood and Youth, led by our comrade Sira Rego, in defending children’s and young people’s rights through the development of a “Law for Safe Digital Environments” and the protection of unaccompanied migrant minors—actions that even led to conflicts with far-right regional governments defending racist and segregationist policies.

Maintaining Purchasing Power: Pensions

The revaluation of pensions with the CPI, guaranteed by law, has allowed pensioners to maintain their purchasing power during inflationary periods. While pensioners in other European countries lost purchasing power, in Spain their pensions rose in line with the cost of living (8.5% in 2023). The pension reform guarantees the sustainability of the system through higher social contributions. Essentially, higher salaries (which previously did not contribute on their full amount) are now included, progressively generating higher revenues. Furthermore, the system allows for direct transfers from the General State Budget should pension spending exceed a certain percentage of the total.

Reduction of Working Hours

We will briefly mention the government’s effort to reduce the working week to 37.5 hours, strongly opposed by the right and far-right. It is significant that governments like Greece’s have increased the working week from 40 to 48 hours—that is the right’s proposal: work more, retire later, live worse. In contrast, Spain offers an alternative that achieves economic results based on solidarity and dignity.

2. A Different Voice in the World: The Palestinian Question

This is one of the clearest international distinctions of the Spanish government’s policy, though it continues to face domestic criticism. Amid Israel’s invasion of Gaza, Spain recognised the State of Palestine in 2024 (alongside Ireland, Norway, and Slovenia), subsequently announcing the suspension of arms sales to Israel and other diplomatic measures in 2025. It has consistently demanded a ceasefire and the enforcement of international law. The Spanish government’s use of the term “genocide” must be noted.

These measures stem partly from social mobilisation in Spain in defence of Palestine and against the genocide in Gaza. This dynamic is crucial: Spain has managed to sustain social mobilisation in defence of rights and thereby influence government action—the case of Palestine being a clear example. By contrast, most EU governments (such as Germany, France, Italy, and the Netherlands) have prioritised collaboration with the genocidal Zionist regime, maintaining arms sales and economic ties with Israel.

Spain’s position, despite its shortcomings, preceded the statements made by Ursula von der Leyen and arguably pushed for a policy shift at the European level, even within a majority of right-wing governments.

3. The Necessary Criticism and Mobilisation to Build an Alternative

Criticism from the left—within Spain’s political space and social movements—highlights that the measures are insufficient: housing remains a serious problem, public health needs greater funding, and parts of the government programme remain unfulfilled. This tension is good and necessary, since we know that social democrats can be resistant to change and have even defended austerity policies that benefited the elites.

We can recall the pension cuts and labour reforms promoting precarious and temporary employment during PSOE’s solo governments. The policies of the last two coalition governments clearly differ from those periods. However, it would be simplistic to attribute all progressive advances solely to the presence of IU and Sumar in government.

Two additional factors must be noted: first, parliamentary weakness. The government depends on a fragile majority requiring the support of diverse political forces, as it holds 152 seats while an absolute majority is 176. This sometimes allows for more left-wing measures, but at other times blocks bolder initiatives—the recent failure to pass the reduction of working hours due to Junts’ vote against is a clear example. Secondly, we must address the polarisation fuelled by Vox and the PP, which seek to delegitimise a democratic government by labelling it “social-communist” or a “Bolivarian dictatorship.” This polarisation also affects nationalist parties (Basque, Galician, and Catalan), who feel threatened by the Spanish nationalist rhetoric of PP and Vox.

The external view is much more positive than the internal perception of the coalition government. Influential international media such as The Economist, The New York Times, The Guardian, and L’Humanité have praised the “Spanish economic miracle” and its social model. In a continent swinging to the right, the Spanish experiment is observed with interest as Europe’s leading laboratory of progressive policy—a bulwark against the far right.

In the face of a right-wing, neoliberal Europe—and given the growing influence of the far right in the European Parliament and national governments—Spain is perceived as the only left-wing government offering an alternative to right-wing policies. This perception, however, is supported by data showing the preservation of rights and improvements in the living conditions of the Spanish working class. These policies can undoubtedly be improved, but the current parliamentary balance of forces and political polarisation make it difficult to implement all measures in the coalition agreement.

At the European and international level, Spain’s left-wing government is seen as a real alternative to far-right policies and as a possible economic and social model. Recently, we have seen criticism from Donald Trump directed at the coalition government, demanding increased military spending and threatening Spain with sanctions and tariffs—attempts to undermine Spanish popular sovereignty and discredit a democratic government.

The balance of forces that makes this government possible stems from the struggle of thousands of activists in social movements, from the historic efforts of militants of the Communist Party of Spain and Izquierda Unida, and from the work of class-based trade unions that have maintained a socio-political agenda and national project.

Despite all its contradictions, this government is the result of years of struggle. It remains insufficient, but a stronger balance of forces is needed to achieve deeper left-wing reforms. Mobilisations for Palestine, the defence of shorter working hours, and movements for the right to housing have been levers of change that have pushed the government’s measures and generated political hegemony—an example for many peoples of Europe.

The challenge remains whether left-wing organisations will be able to strengthen this balance of forces and represent the just aspirations of the Spanish people—a challenge that Izquierda Unida and the PCE have faced with responsibility and humility for many years.

Ismael Gonzalez is a member of the European Left Political Secretariat